ANTONI GŁAZ

In Jaworznia on this day, 5 March 1948, I, Tadeusz Stelmaszczyk from the Citizens’ Militia Station in Kielce, acting on the basis of the following: Article 20 of the provisions introducing the Code of Criminal Procedure, due to the unavailability of a judge in the township, in consequence whereof any delay could result in the disappearance of traces or evidence of a crime, which traces or evidence would cease to exist before the arrival of a judge, observing the formal requirements set forward in Articles 235–240, 258 and 259 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, with the participation of reporter Czesław Tworek, whom I informed of his obligation to attest to the conformity of the report with the actual course of the procedure by his own signature, have heard the person named below as a witness. The witness, having been advised of the right to refuse testimony for the reasons set forward in Article 104 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, and of the criminal liability for making false declarations, this pursuant to the provisions of Article 140 of the Penal Code, stated as follows:


Name and surname Antoni Głaz
Parents’ names Stanisław and Maria, née Szczerowad
Date and place of birth 17 January 1920, Zawichost, district of Sandomierz
Religion Roman Catholic
Occupation laborer
Place of residence Jaworznia, commune of Piekoszów
Relationship to the parties none

As regards the present case, I am aware of the following facts: Concerning the present case I would like to explain that the camp was set up by the German occupation authorities in 1942, however I do not know in which month. The camp was liquidated in 1944, in light of the approach of the front.

In the main, sons of peasants and workmen were kept in the camp. There were no foreigners in the camp. The detainees were primarily Poles. On average, there were some 300 men at the facility. Some 3,000 people passed through the camp during the period of its existence. The camp was finally liquidated by the German authorities; some of the people escaped therefrom, while others were deported to perform various types of labor. The prisoners worked at breaking and loading stone.

The food that we received in the camp was terrible. There was an infirmary at the camp, or at least it was specified in the instruction, but in practice the sick would go to work all the same. The youth workers, having insufficient food, would take the train to find some, even though usually they would not be given passes to do so. The gendarmes would frequently catch those without passes, and they would be shot – a dozen or so at a time – along the Kielce–Częstochowa track.

A few prisoners were also executed by the gendarmes in Łopuszno for collaborating with the partisans and pilfering the camp warehouses; I do not know where exactly their bodies lie. No death sentences were carried out at the camp. Instead, people would be beaten hard and locked up in the bunker. Work in the camp was very hard, for the Germans demanded the utmost productivity. Paradoxically, the inspector, a German, took the side of the prisoners, while the owner and director of the plant, engineer Tadeusz Naszalski, required everyone to work harder and made terrible scenes, saying that we were not working diligently enough; he also dressed down his own assistants, instructing them to guard us better. Since I was a prisoner at the camp, I heard and saw all of this. No material evidence has survived at the camp. The “Baud” inspector was one Howbar, and I do not know any other surnames. The Vorarbeiters at the camp were Julian Przygodzki, resident in Kielce, and thereafter Ryszard Zając, resident in Oblęgór, commune of Mniów, district of Kielce.

I have recounted all that I know and signed the present document after it was read out.